Rendani Ralinala
Johannesburg - In Tshivenda language, there is someone referred to as tshiviambudzi.
The literal translation of the word is “one who slaughters a goat”. In practice, tshiviambudzi is the only male member of a cultural group of women who perform tshigombela, or malende traditional dances.
The reason every group of women has a tshiviambudzi is the patronising yet accepted belief that there would be some tasks that women would not be able to do and therefore they would require male supervision and assistance.
As the ANC opens the nominations for the election of its national executive committee members this week, Africa’s oldest liberation movement must shed its tshiviambudzi tendencies.
If the party is sincere in walking the talk in relation to its stated commitment to renew itself, it should consciously harness efforts to elect at least two women in its top six structures.
In its document titled “Through the Eye of the Needle'', written in 1996 to guide members on electing leaders, the ANC slates: “In a modernising world, and to sustain the movement in the long-term, we should systematically and consciously take more and more young people into the blast furnace of leadership responsibility.
“We should, broadly, also ensure race, gender and geographic balances, without reducing this to bean-counting and hair-splitting.”
More than two decades later, the debate on whether the ANC can elect a female leader is still spoken about as pipe dream. As things stand, President Cyril Ramaphosa appears to have no real challenge for the position of party president at the December conference.
Yes, Lindiwe Sisulu, the Tourism minister, has thrown her hat into the ring but party insiders are adamant that she has no real support in the various provinces.
If newspaper reports are anything to go by, ANC treasurer-general, acting secretary-general and acting deputy secretary-general Paul Mashatile appears to be “steaming” ahead in his bid to become the deputy president of the ANC.
Although the process of nominating candidates for the December conference only starts on September 7, when some party loyalists talk about generational mix to add new blood into the top leadership of the ANC, the name of Ronald Lamola, minister of Justice and Correctional Services, comes up, quite often.
It is clear that many ANC members, consciously or otherwise, still habour tshiviambudzi tendencies. They simply cannot process the thought of having a woman on top.
The patriarchy legacy of the ANC is no different from the camouflaged rejection of affirmative action by corporate South Africa. On paper, corporate South Africa endorses programmes designed to address the legacy of apartheid.
But in reality the pale captains of industry have endless excuses why corporate South Africa still resembles Irish coffee: white at the top with a sprinkle of black dots and completely black at the bottom.
The ANC has as one of its revolutionary objectives the attainment of a non-sexist society. It must begin to demonstrate to South Africans that this objective is not just a mirage but a realistic goal that will be attained in our lifetime.
In their justification of failing to appoint blacks and females to top positions, corporate South Africa hides behind a fig-leaf defence of saying there are not enough employment equity candidates in the country. Of course the real reason is that they do not support employment equity.
To be fair, the ANC has done a lot to advance the struggle for gender equality. However, at the top, the party is still found wanting. Some say the position of ANC president is quite senior and that nobody should be parachuted into that post as the candidate may become the president of the country.
Fair point. In keeping with the guidelines provided by “Through the eye of the needle”, which speaks of “systematically and consciously taking more and more young people into the blast furnace of leadership responsibility,” the ANC members should nominate young and female candidates to senior positions for further training.
In this regard, the announcement by Human Settlements Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi that she would accept nomination for the position of deputy president of the ANC, should she be nominated, should be well received by those members of the ANC who appreciate the urgency of advancing the struggle for gender equality.
This is because if another man is elected to be ANC deputy president in December, given what has been established as tradition in the ANC whereby a deputy president generally ascends to become president, this means that the quest for a woman president of the ANC would have been delayed by at least another decade.
For the ANC to elect the best leaders it has the guiding document that calls for open and frank discussions by members of the ANC.
The document states: “The selection and election of leaders should reside firmly in the hands of the membership. This can only happen if there is open and frank discussion on these issues in formal structures of the movement. Quiet and secret lobbying opens the movement to opportunism and even infiltration by forces hostile to the ANC’s objectives.
“Such discussion should be informed by the critical policy and programmatic issues that face us in each phase of struggle
“In debating the composition of leadership collectives, we should take into account such factors as the various historical experiences of movement cadres.
“We also have to ensure that sufficient skills are harnessed for the task of governance. The contribution of veterans of the struggle in leadership structures at various levels is also a critical element to ensure continuity and the wisdom of experience.”
The document also warns of self-censorship to advance personal interests. “Related to the above is the danger arising out of the fact that executive positions in government are by appointment.
“This can have the effect of stifling frank, honest and self-critical debate within the ranks of the movement. This is because some individuals may convince themselves that, by pretending to be what they are not, and being seen to agree with those in authority all the time, they would then be rewarded with appointment into senior government positions.
“On the other hand, others seek to court popularity by demonstrating ‘independence’ from constitutional structures and senior leaders of the ANC, for its own sake.
“Often, this is encouraged by some media and other forces opposed to the ANC, precisely because it means independence from the mission and discipline of the movement.
“The tendency is also developing for discussion around leadership nominations to be reduced to mechanical deal-making among branches, regions and provinces. Thus, instead of having thorough and honest discussion about the qualities of nominees, delegates negotiate merely on the basis of, ‘if you take ours, we’ll take yours’.”
Then there is the use of money to persuade members to vote for a particular candidate. This is the biggest threat to the ANC as those outside the ANC can influence the policy direction of the party by propping up their “puppets” with the party.
This is what the documents have brought to the attention of members. It states: “Positions in government also mean the possibility to appoint individuals in all kinds of capacities. As such, some members make promises to friends that once elected and ensconced in government, they would return the favour.”
Cliques and factions then emerge within the movement, around personal loyalties driven by corrupt intentions. Members become voting fodder to serve individuals’ self-interest. While nomination guidelines are clear, time will tell if ANC members will be able to free their party from the clutches of tshiviambudzi tendency. The real renewal of the ANC requires nothing less.
Dr Rendani Ralinala is an independent political analyst